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Examples being: Progressive liberalism: Normally associated with the Democratic Party.

Liberalism: In the Classical Tradition

Is known for welfare programs, increased social freedom, and advocating for civil rights. Is also infamous for increasing taxes to pay for these welfare programs, and an insistence on overemphasized political correctness. Corporatist liberalism: Normally associated with the Republican Party. Also referred to as "conservatism," which means conserving the present economic system. Believes in minimizing taxes for corporations and businesses, increased economic freedom , and privatizing social benefit programs currently run by the government.

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Is also infamous for restricted social freedom, increased pollution rates while in power, and minimal regulation of stock market fluctuations. Classical liberalism : Normally associated with the Libertarian Party. Is not infamous for anything because we haven't had the sense to elect any of them to anything more than a local office. Tyrone D'amonte is a Progressive. He enjoys playing b-ball with his homies, slinging dope, and car jumping. When caught by the police, he asserts he "didn do nuffin" and accuses them of being racist.

He spends his welfare check on smoke instead of the 9 children and their mother who works 3 jobs at home. Cletus Crawford is a Corporatist. He works at Kentucky Lumberyard Co. He doesn't like all them homo-sexals and coons comin up into his neighborhood and terkin his jerbs.

He drives a rusty Ford Ranger filled with empty whisky flasks and spent cigars. He lives in a trailer on the far side of Lexington and normally beats his children. Steve Smith is a Classical. While in school, he received acceptable grades and after high school, was accepted into ITT Birmingham. After graduating from college, he started his own business creating digital images via the CAD software. Something that people like Ann Coulter and other neoconservatives misrepresent. The Green and Libertarian parties both embrace the philosophy of liberalism.

Liberalism has nothing to do with economy. It is completely independent of capitalism or any other economic system. Liberalism is a strictly social philosophy. It is the opposite of authoritarianism. It is also NOT the opposite of conservatism. Under liberalism, the government has little role in regulating social affairs. Under liberalism, the government exists to protect liberties, not take them away.

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It typically favors the right to dissent from orthodox tenets or established authorities in political or religious matters. In this respect, it is sometimes held in contrast to conservatism. Since liberalism also focuses on the ability of individuals to structure a society, it is almost always opposed to totalitarianism , and often to collectivist ideologies, particularly communism. Part I: Definition Liberalism literally means 'to be liberal' and liberal means 'to be loose'.

Is Putin right? Is liberalism really obsolete? - BBC News

That is vaguely true, and maybe if you can find a conservative anarchist I'll be wrong. Liberalism is the establishment of liberals in politics. Liberals advocate personal freedoms and peace, as well as recognize problems worldwide, and not the ones that only threaten us Iraq, Afghanistan, but the first one was a hoax to help Halliburton the oil company.

You'll be surprised. It may not be believable at first, but the inability to find a site supporting you will lead to the stomach-turning conclusion. To the person who said we kill babies 'for no reason': Umm, maybe you forgot that children, while a bundle of joy , cost about dollars for education, food, the works.

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But there were enough of them to turn the election. And every whiff of evidence suggesting that the Democratic Party had written them off to care more about minority lives than their own added fuel to their resentments. The result was a vote in which anger overrode optimism, a corrosive sense of failure overrode hope, and in which the very impracticality of a Donald Trump presidency proved one of his strongest drawing cards.

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He would not improve politics, his supporters told interviewers. He would blow it up. W hat will liberalism do in the new, terrifying world these resentments have made? At the congressional level there is urgent work to be done to block the most reckless, punitive efforts of a Trump presidency. Obstruction is essential, but it must also be combined with liberal alliance with enough Republican Party centrists to shape an agenda that could possibly forestall the economic and social disaster that Trumpism portends.

For the short run, a temporary centrist coalition in Congress is an imperative, hard as it may be to achieve. For the long run, liberalism will have to moderate some of its ambitions. It promises a fortress nation, drawn back from hopes of alleviating the turmoil of the world, back from the global economy, back from concern for what others, outside America, might think. The cosmopolitan, globally ambitious liberalism that has been a backbone of Democratic Party policies since will have to readjust.

Liberal internationalism was already in trouble before , torn between reliance on force and reliance on diplomacy, unable to make the dream of universal democracy and human rights take root in a world of recurrent chaos and perpetual war. Liberal ambitions to manage and reengineer a society as complex as the United States may need to be tempered as well.

But for too many voters in this election, the liberal-expert connection had grown too close; it gave too little voice to others.

More wrenchingly still, liberalism must come to terms with the fact that the base on which it has rested since the s in this election fell almost completely apart. The desertion of the northern, white, working class in the election, should it persist, would leave liberalism without a viable electoral base. Unless the Trump victory literally splits apart the Republican Party, liberalism threatens to become a permanent minority of the educated, the bi-coastal, the urban, the nonwhite, and the poor. Despite changing demographics, national elections cannot be won on that basis alone.

Where will liberals turn? A tempting possibility will be to retrench to their territorial homelands and build there the kind of society and politics they imagine. Perhaps it is time to abandon the idea that all of America will respond to the ideas of equality, decency, inclusivity, respect, justice, and care for one another to which liberals are committed. Or perhaps an awful blow-up, economic or global, will precipitate yet another momentous realignment in which liberalism, this time, emerges with the better hand.

Populists, the press routinely calls them. But the Populists hurled their political fury at the forces of organized money: the bankers, the monopolists, the railroad magnates, and the politicians who wrote the back-room deals of the money-men into law. Theirs is a world in which not capitalist institutions but the political establishment hogs the seats of power. In their minds, government rigs the game for its own advantages, tying up the potential expansive force of business with rules that only serve to keep the regulators in jobs and the poor as their clients. Only through this story is it possible to redirect anger at plant closings from the corporations who order them to the liberal establishment that is said to be covertly responsible.

They need to find new means of talking truth to the American people—sources of information that can breach the communication silos of our fractured age and return political debates to some recognizable terrain of facts. The newspaper age is virtually over. More blog posts alone will not bring its assets back. Liberalism also needs a clearer a story line about itself that can more effectively counter the government-is-about-to-swallow-us-all story that conservatives began honing long before Trump. That liberal narrative needs a much more vigorous sense of power. But talk of inequality alone will not bring those who feel themselves outsiders in modern America back to the Democratic Party.

The liberal story must also be about power. Above all, it must not only promise to make life better for those whom a slow-growth, globally uncertain economy has treated poorly.

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